The story so far is that the north-eastern state of Manipur plunged into disarray after which the authorities issued ‘shoot-at-sight’ orders “in the extreme cases if all forms of persuasion and warnings are exhausted under the provision of the law.”
Initially, clashes broke out during the solidarity march called by the All-Tribal Students’ Union, Manipur (ATSUM) on Wednesday. The Assam Rifles and Army carried out a flag march in the violence-ridden areas.
The memorandum of ATSUM stated: “The demand for ST status by the Meitei/ Meetei now, 70 years after the Indian constitution made a provision for Scheduled Tribes, is only a nefarious policy to exploit constitutional measures to grasp and dispossess the tribal people in the hills from their lands.”
Following the deployment of the army, the central government took over the state’s security under Article 355 of the Constitution of India.
The present conflagration is related to the longstanding demand of the non-tribal Meitei community for the status of Scheduled Tribe (ST) on the state’s list, which was upheld by the single judge bench of the Manipur High Court last month.
The verdict of April 14th, urging the state government to consider the demand of the Meitei Community, has reopened the historical tensions between valley dwellers and hill tribes.
Unfolding different factors
The geography of the state has played a pivotal role in setting the stage for present-day politics in the state. Even though there are 16 districts in the state, they remain divided along the popular lines of valley and hill people.
The Imphal Valley is surrounded by hill galleries, which comprise approximately 10 percent of the state’s landmass. These galleries are dominated by the non-tribal Meitei community, which comprises 64 percent of the state’s population.
In addition, it yields 40 of the state’s 60 MLAs.
The Hills, the area that comprises the bulk of Manipur’s geographical area, is predominantly inhabited by tribal groups, including 15 Naga tribal groups and the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi group. However, it only yields 20 out of 60 MLAs. Consequently, the power dynamics have been seen through the prism of suspicion by the tribals.
[Khwairakpam, Doreshor & Singh, Waikhom & Naorem, Vickyson. (2015). Strategy for Urban Infrastructure Development in Identified Towns of Manipur State. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention. 4. 42-50.]
Is the valley-hill divide a recent thought?
The North-Eastern Region (NER) under colonial rule got divided into geo-economic zones, namely, the plains, a land blooming with resources and economically viable, and the hills, an area that is not viable due to environmental and geographical precursors.
The author of ‘Natural Resources and Capitalist Frontiers,’ A.N. Tsing, explains how these differences within the ‘resource frontier’ developed and were enacted through various colonial policies.
Furthermore, these divisions were categorically adopted by the newly independent state. The formulation of policies like the Inner Line Permit System of 1950 failed to end isolation practices or the divide between the plains and the hills.
Groups remain critical of each other; this is further compounded by overlapping claims over land and territory. For instance, hills cover 90 percent of the area, however, the bulk of its budget and development work is concentrated around the valley, dominated by the Meitei community.
Similarly, tribals can buy land in the valley; however, people who live in the plains—Meitei—are prohibited from buying land in the hills.
This disparity in population and power, on the one hand, and land and resources on the other, is at the root of the present conflict.
Is this primarily a communal conflict?
The contradictions between the Meitei community and the Tribes are longstanding; however, at this juncture, is it necessary to give them a communal color?
The majority of Meiteis are Hindu, followed by Muslims, though a section of them practice their tribal religion. While the 33 recognized tribes are broadly classified into ‘any Naga tribes’ and ‘any Kuki tribes,’ they are predominantly Christian.
The conflagration claimed 54 lives and destroyed several structures, including churches. Reportedly, even the churches belonging to the Meitei community have not been spared. Despite the longstanding rift between the groups, there was no communal tension along the religious line.
Land eviction
Another factor coming fore as resentment is the government’s order to protect forest land. Reportedly, the usage of terms like ‘encroachment’ by the state, which is contested with the term “settlement” by the tribes, has refueled the question of controlling land and resources in the region.
The agitation that has been taking place in Churchandpur district is resentment against attempts to displace tribes from their lands to protect forest land. Several attempts have been made to evict traditional forest dwellers and tribals. The whole environment vs. human rights issue debate came into play.
The state government has cited the Manipur Forest Rules, 2021 (No. 73), which empowers the authorities to evict any encroachment or trespass on forest land. For the inhabitants, the eviction derive is an attempt to deprive traditional forest dwellers and tribals of their ancestral lands.
At this juncture, vandalism of the war memorial gate by some miscreants on May 3rd infuriated the tribals, resulting in a law-and-order situation.
Fomenting the perceived threat among the groups and the question of identity—for tribals, it is rooted in their habitat. Therefore, any attempt that might dilute their authority on land is seen as a threat to them.
Conclusion
The demand for Scheduled Tribe status has been long established, previously intensifying in 1983 and then in the 2000s.
Recently, the Manipur High Court verdict directing the state authorities to seek ST status for Meiteis was based on protecting “ancestral land, tradition, culture, and heritage.”
Based on the argument that before the merger of the princely state with the Union of India in 1949, the community had been listed as a tribe by the colonial administration.
The dynamism of the conflict raised multiple questions on perceived threats among the communities, such as controlling power and resources, constant land pressure on the valley, etc., however, portraying it in a strict communal fashion is indeed a sorry state of affairs.